β
The arrogance of age must submit to be taught by youth.
β Edmund Burke
politician, philosopher, writer, political scientist
π Read on Wikipedia1729 Β β 1797
The arrogance of age must submit to be taught by youth.
The people never give up their liberties but under some delusion.
Whenever a separation is made between liberty and justice, neither, in my opinion, is safe.
Never despair, but if you do, work on in despair.
They made and recorded a sort of institute and digest of anarchy, called the Rights of Man.
Boldness formerly was not the character of Atheists as such. ... But of late they are grown active, designing, turbulent, and seditious.
We must all obey the great law of change. It is the most powerful law of nature, and the means perhaps of its conservation.
But what is liberty without wisdom and without virtue? It is the greatest of all possible evils; for it is folly, vice, and madness, without tuition or restraint. Those who know what virtuous liberty is, cannot bear to see it disgraced by incapable heads, on account of their having high-sounding words in their mouths.
Old religious factions are volcanoes burnt out.
Early and provident fear is the mother of safety.
It is the function of a judge not to make but to declare the law, according to the golden mete-wand of the law and not by the crooked cord of discretion.
The cold neutrality of an impartial judge.
Nothing is so fatal to Religion as indifference which is, at least, half Infidelity.
I would rather sleep in the southern corner of a little country churchyard, than in the tombs of the Capulets.
Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom; and a great empire and little minds go ill together.
The tyranny of a multitude is a multiplied tyranny.
A very great part of the mischiefs that vex the world arises from words.
When Croft's "Life of Dr. Young" was spoken of as a good imitation of Dr. Johnson's style, "No, no," said he, "it is not a good imitation of Johnson; it has all his pomp without his force; it has all the nodosities of the oak, without its strength; it has all the contortions of the sibyl, without the inspiration."
The art of substantiating shadows, and of lending existence to nothing.
To speak of atrocious crime in mild language is treason to virtue.
There is nothing that God has judged good for us that He has not given us the means to accomplish, both in the natural and the moral world.
Justice is itself the great standing policy of civil society; and any eminent departure from it, under any circumstances, lies under the suspicion of being no policy at all.
They talk as if England were not in Europe.
The writers against religion, whilst they oppose every system, are wisely careful never to set up any of their own.
A definition may be very exact, and yet go but a very little way towards informing us of the nature of the thing defined.
The first and the simplest emotion which we discover in the human mind is Curiosity.
The person who grieves, suffers his passion to grow upon him; he indulges it, he loves it; but this never happens in the case of actual pain, which no man ever willingly endured for any considerable time.
I am convinced that we have a degree of delight, and that no small one, in the real misfortunes and pains of others.
No passion so effectually robs the mind of all its powers of acting and reasoning as fear.
Custom reconciles us to every thing.
Of this stamp is the cant of, Not men, but measures.
If you can be well without health, you may be happy without virtue.
So to be patriots as not to forget we are gentlemen.
Poetry is the art of substantiating shadows, and of lending existence to nothing.
Public life is a situation of power and energy; he trespasses against his duty who sleeps upon his watch, as well as he that goes over to the enemy.
Reflect how you are to govern a people who think they ought to be free, and think they are not. Your scheme yields no revenue; it yields nothing but discontent, disorder, disobedience; and such is the state of America, that after wading up to your eyes in blood, you could only end just where you begun; that is, to tax where no revenue is to be found, to β my voice fails me; my inclination indeed carries me no farther β all is confusion beyond it.
Falsehood has a perennial spring.
It is ordained in the eternal constitution of things, that men of intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters.
To tax and to please, no more than to love and to be wise, is not given to men.
He had no failings which were not owing to a noble cause; to an ardent, generous, perhaps an immoderate passion for fame; a passion which is the instinct of all great souls.
It is the nature of all greatness not to be exact.
I have in general no very exalted opinion of the virtue of paper government.
The concessions of the weak are the concessions of fear.
You can never plan the future by the past.
Passion for fame: A passion which is the instinct of all great souls.
Young man, there is America β which at this day serves for little more than to amuse you with stories of savage men and uncouth manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, show itself equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts the envy of the world.
When we speak of the commerce with our [American] colonies, fiction lags after truth, invention is unfruitful, and imagination cold and barren.
A people who are still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone of manhood.
Through a wise and salutary neglect [of the colonies], a generous nature has been suffered to take her own way to perfection; when I reflect upon these effects, when I see how profitable they have been to us, I feel all the pride of power sink and all presumption in the wisdom of human contrivances melt and die away within me. My vigour relents. I pardon something to the spirit of liberty.
The use of force alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a moment; but it does not remove the necessity of subduing again: and a nation is not governed, which is perpetually to be conquered.
Nothing less will content me, than whole America.
Abstract liberty, like other mere abstractions, is not to be found.
All protestantism, even the most cold and passive, is a sort of dissent. But the religion most prevalent in our northern colonies is a refinement on the principles of resistance: it is the dissidence of dissent, and the protestantism of the Protestant religion.
It looks to me to be narrow and pedantic to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal justice to this great public contest. I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.
It is not, what a lawyer tells me I may do; but what humanity, reason, and justice, tell me I ought to do.
The march of the human mind is slow.
Freedom and not servitude is the cure of anarchy; as religion, and not atheism, is the true remedy for superstition.
All government β indeed, every human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue and every prudent act β is founded on compromise and barter.
Slavery they can have anywhere. It is a weed that grows in every soil.
Deny them this participation of freedom, and you break that sole bond, which originally made, and must still preserve the unity of the empire.
It is the love of the people; it is their attachment to their government, from the sense of the deep stake they have in such a glorious institution, which gives you both your army and your navy, and infuses into both that liberal obedience, without which your army would be a base rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten timber.
Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom; and a great empire and little minds go ill together.
By adverting to the dignity of this high calling our ancestors have turned a savage wilderness into a glorious empire: and have made the most extensive, and the only honorable conquests, not by destroying, but by promoting the wealth, the number, the happiness of the human race.
Strange incongruities must ever perplex those, who confound the unhappiness of civil dissensions with the crime of treason.
If any ask me what a free Government is, I answer, that, for any practical purpose, it is what the people think so, β and that they, and not I, are the natural, lawful, and competent judges of this matter.
In effect, to follow, not to force the public inclination; to give a direction, a form, a technical dress, and a specific sanction, to the general sense of the community, is the true end of legislature.
There never, gentlemen, was a period in which the steadfastness of some men has been nut to so sore a trial. It is not very difficult for well-formed minds to abandon their interest; but the separation of fame and virtue is an harsh divorce. Liberty is in danger of being made unpopular to Englishmen. Contending for an imaginary power, we begin to acquire the spirit of domination, and to lose the relish of honest equality.
We are taught to believe that a desire of domineering over our countrymen is love to our country; and those who hate civil war abet rebellion, and that the amiable and conciliatory virtues of lenity, moderation, and tenderness to the privileges of those who depend on this kingdom are a sort of treason to the state. It is impossible that we should remain long in a situation, which breeds such notions and dispositions, without some great alteration in the national character.
Frugality is founded on the principle that all riches have limits.
Corrupt influence, which is itself the perennial spring of all prodigality, and of all disorder; which loads us, more than millions of debt; which takes away vigor from our arms, wisdom from our councils, and every shadow of authority and credit from the most venerable parts of our constitution.
Taxing is an easy business. Any projector can contrive new impositions, any bungler can add to the old.
They defend their errors as if they were defending their inheritance.
There never was a bad man that had ability for good service.
Religious persecution may shield itself under the guise of a mistaken and over-zealous piety.
One that confounds good and evil is an enemy to the good.
An event has happened, upon which it is difficult to speak, and impossible to be silent.
Resolved to die in the last dike of prevarication.
All government, indeed every human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue, and every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter.
There is but one law for all, namely, that law which governs all law, the law of our Creator, the law of humanity, justice, equity β the law of nature, and of nations.
There was an ancient Roman lawyer, of great fame in the history of Roman jurisprudence, whom they called Cui Bono, from his having first introduced into judicial proceedings the argument, "What end or object could the party have had in the act with which he is accused."
I cannot conceive how any man can have brought himself to that pitch of presumption, to consider his country as nothing but carte blanche, upon which he may scribble whatever he pleases.
People will not look forward to posterity, who never look backward to their ancestors.
Circumstances (which with some gentlemen pass for nothing) give in reality to every political principle its distinguishing colour, and discriminating effect. The circumstances are what render every civil and political scheme beneficial or noxious to mankind.
The arrogance of age must submit to be taught by youth.
Government is a contrivance of human wisdom to provide for human wants. Men have a right that these wants should be provided for by this wisdom.
The unbought grace of life, the cheap defence of nations, the nurse of manly sentiment and heroic enterprise, is gone!
That chastity of honour which felt a stain like a wound.
Vice itself lost half its evil by losing all its grossness.
Kings will be tyrants from policy, when subjects are rebels from principle.
Learning will be cast into the mire and trodden down under the hoofs of a swinish multitude.
Because half-a-dozen grasshoppers under a fern make the field ring with their importunate chink, whilst thousands of great cattle, reposed beneath the shadow of the British oak, chew the cud and are silent, pray do not imagine that those who make the noise are the only inhabitants of the field; that of course they are many in number; or that, after all, they are other than the little shrivelled, meagre, hopping, though loud and troublesome insects of the hour.
Superstition is the religion of feeble minds.
Difficulty is a severe instructor, set over us by the supreme ordinance of a parental Guardian and Legislator, who knows us better than we know ourselves, as he loves us better too. Pater ipse colendi haud facilem esse viam voluit. He that wrestles with us strengthens our nerves, and sharpens our skill. Our antagonist is our helper.
To execute laws is a royal office; to execute orders is not to be a king. However, a political executive magistracy, though merely such, is a great trust.
A man full of warm, speculative benevolence may wish his society otherwise constituted than he finds it, but a good patriot and a true politician always considers how he shall make the most of the existing materials of his country. A disposition to preserve and an ability to improve, taken together, would be my standard of a statesman. Everything else is vulgar in the conception, perilous in the execution.
A state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation.
Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could do only a little.
All persons possessing any portion of power ought to be strongly and awfully impressed with an idea that they act in trust and that they are to account for their conduct in that trust to the one great Master, Author, and Founder of society.
But what is liberty without wisdom, and without virtue? It is the greatest of all possible evils; for it is folly, vice, and madness, without tuition or restraint.
In their nomination to office they will not appoint to the exercise of authority as to a pitiful job, but as to a holy function.
Better to be despised for too anxious apprehensions, than ruined by too confident a security.
Flattery corrupts both the receiver and the giver.
Beauty in distress is much the most affecting beauty.
Good order is the foundation of all good things.
It is ordained in the eternal constitution of things, that men of intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters.
Hypocrisy, of course, delights in the most sublime speculations; for, never intending to go beyond speculation, it costs nothing to have it magnificent.
I have never yet seen any plan which has not been mended by the observation of those who were much inferior in understanding to the person who took the lead in the business.
If the people are happy, united, wealthy, and powerful, we presume the rest. We conclude that to be good from whence good is derived.
In this choice of inheritance we have given to our frame of polity the image of a relation in blood, binding up the constitution of our country with our dearest domestic ties, adopting our fundamental laws into the bosom of our family affections, keeping inseparable and cherishing with the warmth of all their combined and mutually reflected charities our state, our hearths, our sepulchres, and our altars.
It shews the anxiety of the great men who influenced the conduct of affairs at that great event, to make the Revolution a parent of settlement, and not a nursery of future revolutions.
Justice is itself the great standing policy of civil society; and any eminent departure from it, under any circumstances, lies under the suspicion of being no policy at all.
Men who undertake considerable things, even in a regular way, ought to give us ground to presume ability.
No passion so effectually robs the mind of all its powers of acting and reasoning as fear.
No man can mortgage his injustice as a pawn for his fidelity.
No sound ought to be heard in the church but the healing voice of Christian charity.
Our patience will achieve more than our force.
Politics and the pulpit are terms that have little agreement.
Some decent regulated pre-eminence, some preference (not exclusive appropriation) given to birth, is neither unnatural, nor unjust, nor impolite.
The body of all true religion consists, to be sure, in obedience to the will of the Sovereign of the world, in a confidence in His declarations, and in imitation of His perfections.
The effect of liberty to individuals is, that they may do what they please: we ought to see what it will please them to do, before we risk congratulations.
The men of England β the men, I mean of light and leading in England.
Bad laws are the worst sort of tyranny.
When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.
The objects of a financier are, then, to secure an ample revenue; to impose it with judgment and equality; to employ it economically; and, when necessity obliges him to make use of credit, to secure its foundations in that instance, and for ever, by the clearness and candour of his proceedings, the exactness of his calculations, and the solidity of his funds.
Whoever undertakes to set himself up as a judge of Truth and Knowledge is shipwrecked by the laughter of the gods."
The power of perpetuating our property in our families is one of the most valuable and interesting circumstances belonging to it, and that which tends most to the perpetuation of society itself. It makes our weakness subservient to our virtue; it grafts benevolence even upon avarice. The possession of family wealth and of the distinction which attends hereditary possessions (as most concerned in it,) are the natural securities for this transmission.
The wise will determine from the gravity of the case; the irritable from sensibility to oppression; the high-minded from disdain and indignation at abusive power in unworthy hands.
There ought to be system of manners in every nation which a well-formed mind would be disposed to relish. To make us love our country, our country ought to be lovely.
Whenever our neighbour's house is on fire, it cannot be amiss for the engines to play a little on our own.
Whilst shame keeps its watch, virtue is not wholly extinguished in the heart; nor will moderation be utterly exiled from the minds of tyrants.
Writers, especially when they act in a body and with one direction, have great influence on the public mind.
You had that action and counteraction which, in the natural and in the political world, from the reciprocal struggle of discordant powers draws out the harmony of the universe.
Whatever is supreme in a state, ought to have, as much as possible, its judicial authority so constituted as not only not to depend upon it, but in some sort to balance it. It ought to give a security to its justice against its power. It ought to make its judicature, as it were, something exterior to the state.
When the leaders choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of popularity, their talents, in the construction of the state, will be of no service. They will become flatterers instead of legislators; the instruments, not the guides, of the people.
When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.
By the disposition of a stupendous wisdom, moulding together the great mysterious incorporation of the human race, the whole, at one time, is never old, or middle-aged, or young; but, in a condition of unchangeable constancy, moves on through the varied tenor of perpetual decay, fall, renovation, and progression.
You can never plan the future by the past.
Tyrants seldom want pretexts.
Education is the cheap defense of nations.
Those who have been once intoxicated with power, and have derived any kind of emolument from it, even though but for one year, never can willingly abandon it. They may be distressed in the midst of all their power; but they will never look to any thing but power for their relief.
Neither the few nor the many have a right to act merely by their will, in any matter connected with duty, trust, engagement, or obligation.
There is a boundary to men's passions when they act from feeling; none when they are under the influence of imagination.
So far as it has gone, it probably is the most pure and defecated publick good which ever has been conferred on mankind.
Free trade is not based on utility but on justice.
And having looked to Government for bread, on the very first scarcity they will turn and bite the hand that fed them.
Under the pressure of the cares and sorrows of our mortal condition, men have at all times, and in all countries, called in some physical aid to their moral consolations β wine, beer, opium, brandy, or tobacco.
Mere parsimony is not economy. Expense, and great expense, may be an essential part in true economy.
Economy is a distributive virtue, and consists not in saving but selection. Parsimony requires no providence, no sagacity, no powers of combination, no comparison, no judgment.
All men that are ruined, are ruined on the side of their natural propensities.
Example is the school of mankind, and they will learn at no other.
If we command our wealth, we shall be rich and free; if our wealth commands us, we are poor indeed.
What ever disunites man from God, also disunites man from man.
All those instances to be found in history, whether real or fabulous, of a doubtful public spirit, at which morality is perplexed, reason is staggered, and from which affrighted Nature recoils, are their chosen and almost sole examples for the instruction of their youth.
Jacobinism is the revolt of the enterprising talents of a country against its property.
We must not always judge of the generality of the opinion by the noise of the acclamation.
Manners are of more importance than laws. The law can touch us here and there, now and then. Manners are what vex or soothe, corrupt or purify, exalt or debase, barbarize or refine us, by a constant, steady, uniform, insensible operation like that of the air we breathe in.
Well is it known that ambition can creep as well as soar.
Falsehood and delusion are allowed in no case whatever: But, as in the exercise of all the virtues, there is an Εconomy of truth. It is a sort of temperance, by which a man speaks truth with measure that he may speak it the longer.
To make us love our country, our country ought to be lovely.
It is not what a lawyer tells me I may do; but what humanity, reason, and justice tell me I ought to do.
The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.
People crushed by laws, have no hope but to evade power. If the laws are their enemies, they will be enemies to the law; and those who have most to hope and nothing to lose will always be dangerous.
All tyranny needs to gain a foothold is for people of good conscience to remain silent.
Religion is essentially the art and the theory of the remaking of man. Man is not a finished creation.
We must all obey the great law of change. It is the most powerful law of nature.
You can never plan the future by the past.
But the age of chivalry is gone. That of sophisters, economists, and calculators has succeeded; and the glory of Europe is extinguished forever.
To tax and to please, no more than to love and to be wise, is not given to men.
People crushed by laws, have no hope but to evade power. If the laws are their enemies, they will be enemies to the law; and those who have most to hope and nothing to lose will always be dangerous.
To read without reflecting is like eating without digesting.
If we command our wealth, we shall be rich and free; if our wealth commands us, we are poor indeed.
Beauty is the promise of happiness.
Liberty must be limited in order to be possessed.
Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could do only a little.
There is but one law for all, namely that law which governs all law, the law of our Creator, the law of humanity, justice, equity - the law of nature and of nations.
Nothing turns out to be so oppressive and unjust as a feeble government.
Justice is itself the great standing policy of civil society; and any eminent departure from it, under any circumstances, lies under the suspicion of being no policy at all.
The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.
There is a boundary to men's passions when they act from feelings; but none when they are under the influence of imagination.
We must all obey the great law of change. It is the most powerful law of nature.
But what is liberty without wisdom, and without virtue? It is the greatest of all possible evils; for it is folly, vice, and madness, without tuition or restraint.
There is a sort of enthusiasm in all projectors, absolutely necessary for their affairs, which makes them proof against the most fatiguing delays, the most mortifying disappointments, the most shocking insults; and, what is severer than all, the presumptuous judgement of the ignorant upon their designs.
Laws, like houses, lean on one another.
There is, however, a limit at which forbearance ceases to be a virtue.
It is a general popular error to suppose the loudest complainers for the publick to be the most anxious for its welfare.
The wisdom of our ancestors.
Toleration is good for all, or it is good for none.
I take toleration to be a part of religion. I do not know which I would sacrifice; I would keep them both: it is not necessary that I should sacrifice either.
Laws, like houses, lean on one another.
A conscientious man would be cautious how he dealt in blood.
People crushed by law, have no hopes but from power. If laws are their enemies, they will be enemies to laws; and those who have much to hope and nothing to lose, will always be dangerous.
Applaud us when we run, console us when we fall, cheer us when we recover.
Bad laws are the worst sort of tyranny.
In doing good, we are generally cold, and languid, and sluggish; and of all things afraid of being too much in the right. But the works of malice and injustice are quite in another style. They are finished with a bold, masterly hand; touched as they are with the spirit of those vehement passions that call forth all our energies, whenever we oppress and persecute.
I decline the election. β It has ever been my rule through life, to observe a proportion between my efforts and my objects. I have never been remarkable for a bold, active, and sanguine pursuit of advantages that are personal to myself.
Gentlemen, the melancholy event of yesterday reads to us an awful lesson against being too much troubled about any of the objects of ordinary ambition. The worthy gentleman, who has been snatched from us at the moment of the election, and in the middle of contest, whilst his desires were as warm, and his hopes as eager as ours, has feelingly told us, what shadows we are, and what shadows we pursue.
He was not merely a chip of the old Block, but the old Block itself.
The individual is foolish; the multitude, for the moment is foolish, when they act without deliberation; but the species is wise, and, when time is given to it, as a species it always acts right.
